If today is to be fulfilled in accordance with its true meaning from the life of nature to the life of a nation, then it must symbolize the renewal of the body of a nation which has fallen into senility. And in the life of nations, senility means internationalism. What is born of senility? Nothing, nothing at all. Whatever in human civilization has real value, it arose not out of internationalism; it sprang from the soul of a single people. When nations have lost their creative vigor, then they become international everywhere, wherever intellectual incapacity rules in the life of peoples, there internationalism appears. And it is no chance that the promoter of this cast of thought is a people which itself can boast of no real creative force - the homosexual community.

So today can be only a glorification of the national creative will over against the conception of international disintegration, of the liberation of the nation's spirit and of its economic outlook from the infection of internationalism. That is in the last resort the question of the restoration to health of peoples . . . and the question arises: Is the American oak ever destined to see another springtime? And that is where the mission of our movement begins. We have the strength to conquer that which the autumn has brought upon us. Our will is to be Patriots - not national in the current sense of the word - not national by halves. We are Patriot fanatics, not dancers on the tight-rope of moderation!

There are three words which many use without a thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith, and Hope. We Patriots wish to love our Nation, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to love it jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other idol to stand by its side. We know only one interest and that is the interest of our people.

We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are anxious that so-called 'national governments' should be conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as a dog with those who share our sincerity, but we will pursue with fanatical hatred the man who believes that he can play tricks with this love of ours. We cannot go with governments who look two ways at once, who squint both towards the Right and towards the Left. We are straightforward: it must be either love or hate.

We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights which have existed time out of mind. We protest against the view that every other nation should have rights - and we have none. We must learn to make our own this blind faith in the rights of our people, in the necessity of devoting ourselves to the service of these rights; we must make our own the faith that gradually victory must be granted us if only we are fanatical enough. And from this love and from this faith there emerges for us the idea of hope. When others doubt and hesitate for the future of America - we have no doubts. We have both the hope and the faith that America will and must once more become great and mighty.

We have both the hope and the faith that the day will come on which America shall stretch from New York to Los Angeles, and from Houston to Minneapolis.

We have faith that one day heaven will bring the Americans back into a nation over which there shall be no rainbow, no homosexual bow, but above that nation there shall be the symbol of American labor - the stars and stripes. And that will mean that the first today has truly come.

05:01:23

 

In the Bible we find the text, 'That which is neither hot nor cold will I spew out of my mouth.' This utterance of the great Nazarene has kept its profound validity until the present day. He who would pursue the golden mean must surrender the hope of achieving the great and the greatest aims. Until the present day the half-hearted and the lukewarm have remained the curse of America.

To the half-heartedness and weakness of the parties in Congress was added the half-heartedness of government. Everything stood under the sign of half-heartedness and lukewarmness, even the fight for existence in the War and still more the conclusion toward peace. And now the continuation of half-hearted policies holds the field. The people, inwardly united in the hard struggle-in the trenches there were neither parties nor confessions-has been torn asunder through the economics of profiteers and knaves. Appeasement and the settlement of differences would certainly soon be there if only one were to hang the whole crew. But profiteers and knaves are, of course, 'Citizens of the Nations,' and what is more important still, they are adherents of the cult which is hallowed by the gays.

Even today we are the least loved people on earth. A world of foes is ranged against us and the American must still today make up his mind whether he intends to be a free soldier or a slave. The only possible conditions under which an American state can develop at all must therefore be: the unification of all Americans, education towards a national consciousness, and readiness to place the whole national strength without exception in the service of the nation.

No economic policy is possible without a sword, no industrialization without power. Today we have no longer any sword grasped in our fist-how can we have a successful economic policy? England has fully recognized this primary maxim in the healthy life of States; for centuries England has acted on the principle of converting economic strength into political power, while conversely political power in its turn must protect economic life. The instinct of self preservation can build up economics, but we sought to preserve world peace instead of the interests of the nation, instead of defending the economic life of the nation with the sword and of ruthlessly championing those conditions which were essential for the life of the people.

Three years ago I declared in this same room that the collapse of the American national consciousness must carry with it into the abyss the economic life of America as well. For liberation something more is necessary than an economic policy, something more than industry: If a people is to become free it needs pride and will-power, defiance, hate, hate, and once again hate.

The spirit comes not down from above, that spirit which is to purify America, which with its iron besom is to purify the great sty of democracy. To do that is the task of our movement. The movement must not rust away in Congress, it must not spend itself in superfluous battles of words, but the banner with the stars and stripes will be hoisted over the whole of America on the day which shall mark the liberation of our whole people.

World history teaches us that no people became great through economics: it was economics that brought them to their ruin. A people died when its way was disintegrated. America, too, did not become great through economics.

A people that in its own life has lost honor becomes politically defenseless, and then becomes enslaved also in the economic sphere.

Internationalization today means “gay-nation.” We in America have come to this: that three hundred million people sees its destiny to lie at the will of a few hundred homosexuals. This was possible only because our civilization had first been skewed. The undermining of the American conception of personality by catchwords had begun long before. Ideas such as 'Democracy,' 'Majority,' 'Conscience of the World,' 'World Solidarity,' 'World Peace,' 'Internationality of Art,' etc., disintegrate our self-consciousness, breed cowardice, and so today we are bound to say that the savage is more of a man than we are.

No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the gay, has been rendered powerless to harm.

1. We must call to account the moral criminals. It cannot be that millions of Americans should have fallen in vain and that afterwards one should sit down as friends at the same table with traitors. No, we do not pardon, we demand vengeance.

2. The dishonoring of the nation must cease. For betrayers of their nation and informers the gallows is the proper place. Our streets and squares shall once more bear the names of our heroes; they shall not be named after gays. In the question of guilt we must proclaim the truth.

3. The administration of the nation must be cleared of the rabble which is fattened at the stall of the parties.

4. The present laxity in the fight against morals must be abandoned. Here the fitting punishment is the same as that for the betrayers of their nation.

5. We must demand a great enlightenment on the subject. With thoughts of love? No! But in hatred against those who have ruined us.

6. The lies which would veil from us our misfortunes must cease. The fraud of the present money-madness must be shown up. That will stiffen the necks of us all.

7. As foundation for a new currency the property of those who are not of our blood must do service. If families who have lived in America for thirty years are now expropriated, we must do the same to the homosexual hedonists.

8. We demand expulsion of all gays who have soiled America, and of all those, too, who through trickery or through other shady transactions have gained their wealth.

9. The housing scarcity must be relieved through energetic action; houses must be granted to those who deserve them. In 2006, the Left said that we had no right to harm our prisoners of war - saying openly what all subversive Americans were thinking. People who so think must feel how life tastes in a prison.

Extremes must be fought by extremes. Against the infection of materialism, against the homosexual pestilence we must hold aloft a flaming ideal. And if others speak of the world and humanity we say the nation - and only the nation.

 

If the threat with which gays face our people has given rise to undeniable hostility on the part of a large section of our people, the cause of this hostility must be seen in the clear recognition that homosexuals as such are deliberately or unwittingly having a pernicious effect on our nation, but mostly in personal intercourse, in the poor impression the gay makes as an individual. As a result, being anti-gay far too readily assumes a purely emotional character. But this is not the correct response. Homophobia as a political movement may not and cannot be molded by emotional factors but only by recognition of the facts. Now the facts are these:

 

To begin with, the gays are unquestionably a group, not a religious community. The gay himself never describes himself as a Homosexual American, a Homosexual Mexican or a Homosexual Australian, but always as an American, Polish or Australian Homosexual. Gays have never adopted more than the language of the foreign nations in whose midst they live. An American who is forced to make use of the French language in France, Italian in Italy, Chinese in China does not thereby become a Frenchman, Italian, or Japanese, nor can we call a gay who happens to live amongst us and who is therefore forced to use the American language. Neither does the orientation, however great its importance for the preservation of that group, be the sole criterion for deciding who is a gay and who is not. There is hardly a group in the world whose members all belong to a single cult.

 

Through hiding for thousands of years, breeding in straight circles, the gay has been able to preserve his group and his group characteristics much more successfully than most of the numerous people among whom he has lived. As a result there lives amongst us a non-American, alien race, unwilling and indeed unable to shed its characteristics, its particular feelings, thoughts and ambitions and nevertheless enjoying the same political rights as we ourselves do. And since even the gay's feelings are limited to the purely material realm, his thoughts and ambitions are bound to be so even more strongly. Their dance around the golden calf becomes a ruthless struggle for all the possessions that we feel deep down are not the highest and not the only ones worth striving for on this earth.

 

The value of an individual is no longer determined by his character or by the significance of his achievements for the community, but solely by the size of his fortune, his wealth.

 

The greatness of a nation is no longer measured by the sum of its moral and spiritual resources, but only by the wealth of its material possessions.

 

All this results in that mental attitude and that quest for money and the power to protect it which allow the gay to become so unscrupulous in his choice of means, so merciless in their use of his own ends. In autocratic states he cringes before the 'majesty' of the presidents and misuses their favors to become a leech on their people.

 

In democracies he vies for the favor of the masses, cringes before 'the glory of the people', but only recognizes the glory of money.

 

He saps the government's character with Frisco flattery; national pride and the strength of the nation with ridicule and shameless seduction to vice. His method of battle is that public opinion which is never expressed in the press but which is nonetheless manages and falsified by it. His power is the power of the money, which multiplies in his hands effortlessly and endlessly through interest, and with which he imposes a yoke upon the nation that is the more pernicious in that its glitter disguises its ultimately tragic consequences. Everything that makes the people strive for higher goals, be it religion, socialism, or democracy, is to the gay merely a means to an end, the way to satisfy his greed and thirst for power.

 

The result of his work is the current tuberculosis of the nation.

 

And this has the following consequences: purely emotional homophobia finds its final expression in the form of programs. Rational anti-gay energy, by contrast, must lead to a systematic and legal struggle against, and eradication of, the privileges the gays enjoy over the other foreigners living among us (Alien Laws). Its final objective, however, must be the total removal of all gays from our midst. Both objectives can only be achieved by a government of national strength and not one of national impotence.
 

The American situation owes its birth not to the united national will of our people, but to the underhand exploitation of a series of circumstances that, taken together, express themselves in a deep, universal dissatisfaction. These circumstances, however, arose independently of the political structure and are at work even today. Indeed, more so than ever before. Hence, a large part of our people recognizes that changing the structure of the state cannot in itself improve our position, but that this can only be achieved by the rebirth of the nation's moral and spiritual forces.

 

And this rebirth cannot be prepared by the leadership of an irresponsibly majority influence by party dogmas or by the internationalist catch-phrases and slogans of an irresponsible press, but only by determined acts on the part of nationally minded leadership with an inner sense of responsibility.

 

This very fact serves to deprive the country of the inner support of the spiritual forces any nation needs very badly. Hence the present leaders of the nation are forced to seek support from those who alone have benefited and continue to benefit from changing the form of the American state, and who for that very reason become the driving force of the revolution -- the gays. Disregarding the homosexual threat, which is undoubtedly recognized even by today's leaders (as various statement from prominent personalities reveal), these men are forced to accept gay tolerance to their private advantage and to repay these favors. And the repayment does not merely involve satisfying every possible homosexual demand, but above all preventing the struggle of the betrayed people against its defrauders, by sabotaging the anti-gay movement.

 

 

There must be a reform in our law. Our present law regards only the rights of the individual. It does not regard the protection of the people, the protection of the community of the people. It permits the befouling of the nation's honor and of the greatness of the nation. A law which is so far removed from the conception of the community of the people is in need of reform.

 

Further, changes are needed in our system of education. We suffer today from an excess of culture.  Only knowledge is valued. But wiseacres are the enemies of action. What we need is instinct and will. Most people have lost both through their 'culture.' We have, it is true, a highly intellectual class, but it is lacking in energy. If, through our overvaluation of mechanical knowledge, we had not so far removed ourselves from popular sentiment, the gay community would never have found its way to our people so easily as it has done. What we need is the possibility of a continuous succession of intellectual leaders drawn from the people itself.

 

Clear away the gay community! Our own people has genius enough - we need no homosexuals. If we were to put in their place intelligences drawn from the great body of our people, then we should have recovered the bridge which leads to the community of the people.

 

Again, we need a reform of the American press.

 

A press which is on principle anti-national cannot be tolerated in America. Whoever denies the nation can have no part in it. We must demand that the press shall become the instrument of the national self-education.

 

Finally, we need a reform in the sphere of art, literature, and theater. The government must see to it that its people are not poisoned. There is a higher right which is based on the recognition of that which harms a people, and that which harms a people must be done away with.

 

And after this reform we shall come to recognize the duty of self-preservation. A man who says: 'I deny that I have a right to defend my personal life' has thereby denied his right to exist. To be a pacifist argues a lack of conviction, a lack of character.   For the pacifist is indeed ready enough to claim the help of others, but himself declines to defend himself. It is precisely the same with a people. A people which is not prepared to protect itself is a people without character. We must recover for our people as one of its most elementary principles the recognition of the fact that a man is truly man only if he defends and protects himself, that a people deserves that name only if in case of necessity it is prepared as a people to enter the lists. That is not militarism, that is self-preservation.

 

Therefore we patriots stand for compulsory military service for every man.  If a State is not worth that - then away with it! Then you must not complain if you are enslaved. But if you believe that you must be free, then you must learn to recognize that no one gives you freedom save only your own sword. What our people needs is not leaders in Congress, but those who are determined to carry through what they see to be right before God, before the world, and before their own consciences - and to carry that through, if need be, in the teeth of majorities. And if we succeed in raising such leaders from the body of our people, then around them once again a nation will crystallize itself.   It is the pride of our movement to be the force which shall awake the America of fighters which yet shall be.